David M. Hart writes about Tarbur, Mahr and Nanawati among the Afridi pakhtoons. Afridi jirga takes place in masjids (p. 17). Among the Afridis the Adamkhel's owned and operated gun factories. They did not arise in response to any particular urge to combat the British as Mujahideen. They did it for economic reasons. Darra factories also supplied arms to the British Indian Army during the period of arm shortage (p. 24). In the second chapter, Akbar S. Ahmed writes about the different politicians from Hazara, the stereotypes in Hazara, conflict and bloodshed in Hazara forests, Pakistan Peoples Party, timber mafia, and the politics of ethnicity in Hazara- related to its forest wealth (p.42).
Writing on Dir and Swat, in the third chapter Charles Lindholm states that in attempting to conquer Chitral, Dir itself developed centralization (p.52). In 1969 Dir had rebelled against Pakistan and this happed again in 1976 (p. 58-59). David Busy Edwards writes about the Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Edwards mentions primordial affinities of ethnicity (p.63), usury among Ghilzais, Tarburwali (cousin enmity), character slurs among members of different tribes (p. 79), and nomads versus mullahs in Parachinar in 1983.
Richard M. Emerson writes in detail Baltistan. Emerson writes that 'balti' means the basement chambers where animals are put and the people who put them there (p. 103). Different parts of Baltistan were settled by migrants of Dard, Turkistani, Kashmiri, and Ladakhi people, they were almost certainly assimilated into an established Tibetan culture now called Balti (p.102). The author also writes that Mar-pa were the butter people (ladakhis) and Brok-pa (pasture people). Emerson says that the ruling family of Shigar must be connected with the Dards of Hunza-Nagar (p.111) as they have some similar names in the genealogy. Emerson has also written about the Turkic Buddhist rulers of Kundus, Khaplu kingdom's origination from a person belonging to Turkistan (p. 113). The author also speculates that the landless dependents in Baltistan might have descended from slaves (p. 115). From Khaplu 400 soldiers aided the British-Dogra conquest of Hunza-Nagar (p. 143). Before 1846 local titles were used by the ruling elite. It was replaced by 'Raja' after the British-Dogra suzerainty. Emerson adds that Kha-Cho were a warrior class (p.117). He further writes about the British land settlement of 1903 in Khaplu, Trampa, 'milk mother' relations among Baltis, origin of Nurbakhshis in Baltistan, judicial process and role of Trampas (p. 120), land distribution to the military nobility, Weber on domination and exchange, Chilasis seeking protection of Skardo, Chilasi raiders taking away women and animals, logic of collective action, Maqpoon (the military elite) and the sword dance.
David Gilmartin's essay is about the conflict over Sajjada Nashin, invitation to the Pirs for attending the Delhi Durbar of 1911 (p.155). The British wanted to educate the Sajjad Nashin themselves. Gilmartin says that Khakwanis are pathans from Multan. Katherine Wing writes about the politics of Sufism. He writes about the moral force that began to shape the political order and the conversion of Jats and Rajputs. The Muslim rulers tried to bring the Sajjada-nashis under their control by granting them land (p.172). Pir Pagaro was executed in 1943, because the British saw him as a threat (p. 172). Wing further writes about the spiritual aristocracy, public display of religion by high government officials during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government, and Sufi Barkat Ali of Lyallpur.
Hafeezur Rehman Chaudhry writes about the Golra shrine. He mentions that Golra Sharif Pir came from Ambala. Later one of the descendants Pir Meher Ali wrote against Qadiyani movement. Chaudhry also writes about the hierarchies at the shrine, the design of the building, the functions of various employees, the crops produced on the shrine land and the Mujaver of Golra shrine (p. 201). The author believes that Qawali was for attracting converts (p. 202). Mohammad Waseem writes a chapter on Faisalabad. In the chapter he is of the view that1/3 of Faisalabad's population migrated to India in 1947. It became an urban district. Waseem further writes about the presence of sheikhs and khojas in Faisalabad, patronage and extraction of bribes, dominance of entrepreneurial class in Faisalabad, Sehgals joining politics, Nizame Islam party in Faisalabad, pattern of interaction between local forces, non-local workers, People's Academy in Faisalabad and the whole textile sector which remained untouched during ZA Bhutto's nationalization.
Richard Kurin writes an essay on the Abdullah Shah Ghazi Shrine in Sindh. Carrol McC. Pastner writes on Balochistan. He states that in Panjgur there exists three main groups which include Hakim, Baloch and Hizmathar. Hizmathar are negroid in origin (p. 248). In the nineteenth century Makran was incorporated into the Kalat state (p. 252). Emancipation of slaves had taken place in 1920s.
Yuri Gankovsky writes that Zikris are Shiah and they practice Taqqiya (p. 261). Yuri further writes that the first university in Balochsitan was opened in 1970 (p. 269). In Balochistan twenty percent of the uleemas are from the Baloch districts. The author states that in 1979 181 out of the 830 top officials in the province were Baluchis (p. 271). Gankovsky also says that the Barahvi population also lives in Afghanistan and Iran (p. 271). Barahvi's did not have a script and were surrounded on all sides by the Baloch. Stephen L. Pastner writes that the founder of Zikri religion was Sayid Mahmud of Jaipur who in his Indian homeland proclaimed himself as the Mahdi. Nasir Khan of Kalat did a crack down on Zikris. The author claims that he was a fanatic Sunni Muslim (p. 278). This collection of essays is a brilliant addition to the literature on history, politics and anthropology.
