Book Review: Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature by Ngugi wa Thiong'o

Ngugi says that the very words we use are a product of a collective history (p. x-xi). He says that the present predicaments of Africa are often not a matter of personal choice; they arise from an historical situation. Their solutions are not so much of a matter of personal decision as that of a fundamental social transformation of the structures of our societies starting with a real break with imperialism and its internal ruling allies. Imperialism and its comprador alliances in Africa can never never develop the continent (xii).

According to the author 'the biggest weapon wielded and actually daily unleashed by imperialism against that collective defiance is the cultural bomb. The effect of a cultural bomb is to annihilate a people's belief in their names, in their languages, in their environment, in their heritage of struggle, in their unity, in their capacities and ultimately in themselves (p. 3). Ngugi remembers the time when speaking his native tongue Gikuyu in school led to punishment (p. 11). Writing about his younger days he also narrates how a button was used as a tool to punish those students who spoke their native tongue (p. 11).

The author writes that Swahili in East and Central Africa is used as a means of  communication across many nationalities, but it is not a carrier of culture and history of many of those nationalities whereas in parts of Kenya and Tanzania, particularly in Zanzibar, Swahili is inseparably both a means of communication and a carrier of the culture of those people to whom it is a mother-tongue (p. 13). Ngugi writes that 'rival imperialisms and the colonial practice of divide and rule introduced contradictory representations of the sound systems of the same language, let alone of similar African languages within the same colonial boundary. For instance the Gikuyu language had two rival orthographies developed by protestant and catholic missionaries (p. 67). 

Ngugi was put in prison, banned from teaching at the University of Nairobi and the exiled (p. 62). He was at his home on 31 December 1977. Ngugi wrote on toilet paper when he did not have paper in jail (p. 74). There was so much repression from 1952 to 1962 during the Mau Mau struggle that more than five people were deemed to constitute a public gathering and needed a license (p. 37).

The author stresses that African literature can only be written in Africa languages, that is, the languages of African peasantry and working class, the major alliance of classes in each our nationalities and the agency for the coming inevitable revolutionary break with neo-colonialism (p. 27). Ngugi stresses on the oral literature (orature). According to him orature ha sits roots in the lives of the peasantry. It is primarily their compositions, their songs, their art, which forms the basis of the national and resistance culture during the colonial and neo-colonial times (p. 95).

The land question is basic to  an understanding of Kenya's history and contemporary politics, as indeed it is of twentieth century history wherever people have had their land taken away by conquest, unequal treaties or by the genocide of prat of the population (p. 44). The colonizers also introduced categorization. The good African was the one who cooperated with the European colonizer whereas the bad African character was the on who offered resistance to the foreign conquest and occupation of his country. The bad character was portrayed as being ugly, weak, cowardly and scheming (p. 92).

Because of its intermediate economic position between the many contending classes, the petty- bourgeoisie develops a vacillating psychological make-up. Like a chameleon it takes on the color of the main class with which  it is in the closest touch and sympathy (p. 22). The author states that under the colonial system, through the racist ideologies the private appropriation of wealth was ensured in a few hands- mostly white (p. 66).

On page 53, Ngugi shares a play in which one of the character named Wangeci says: 

"Think about today and tomorrow.

Think about our home.

Poverty has no permanent roots!

Poverty is a sword for sharpening the digging sticks..."

Ngugi says that 'when that day comes, when the African writer will naturally turn to African languages for his creative imagination, the African novel will truly come into its own, incorporating into itself all the features developed in the different parts of Africa from the different cultures of African peoples as well as the best progressive features of the novel or fiction developed in Asia, Latin America, Europe, America, the World (p. 85). Ngugi also writes that 'drama is closer to the dialectics of life than poetry and the fiction' (p. 54).

While writing about the main aim of the book the author states that 'in this book I have pointed out that how we view ourselves, our environment even, is very much dependent on where we stand in relationship to imperialism in its colonial and neo-colonial stages; that if we are to do anything about our individual and collective being today, then we have to coldly and consciously look at what imperialism has been doing to us and to our view of ourselves in the universe' (p. 88). Ngugi says that 'economic and political control of a people can never be complete without cultural control' (p. 93). 

On page 105 Ngugi quotes Brecht who says in a poem:

"Your science will be valueless, you'll find

And learning will be sterile, if inviting

Unless you pledge your intellect to fighting

Against all enemies of Mankind."

Further in the book Ngugi also writes about colonialism in education, Kamiriithu Community Centre, racism of Hume, Thomas Jefferson and Hegel, class origin of discoveries, his view about the appropriation of the novel, his learnings from different writers, African children and colonial schools. Ngugi has very clearly addressed the main issues on the language question in literature. This book is the author's farewell to English as a vehicle for any of his writings.

In the concluding chapter Ngugi writes that the aim of this book has been about 'national, democratic and human liberation' (p. 108). I want to paraphrase but I think it would be injustice to the powerful words of the author. Ngugi says that 'the call for the rediscovery and the resumption of our language is a call for a regenerative reconnection with the millions of revolutionary tongues in Africa and the world over demanding liberation. It is a call for the rediscovery of the real language of humankind: the language of struggle. It is the universal language underlying all speech and words of our history. Struggle. Struggle makes history. Struggle makes us.  In struggle is our history, our language and our being. That struggle begins wherever we are; in whatever we do; then we become part of those millions whom Martin Carter once saw sleeping not to dream but dreaming to change the world' (p. 108).

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Book Review: Desertion by Abdulrazak Gurnah

I first read this interesting novel on the Swahili coast in 2021. The novel covers various aspects of the history, customs and social life of the people living on the coast. Colonialism, racism, trade, merchants, colonizers, biases, politics, minority communities, education, orientalism, ignorance about oral communities and many other themes are discussed in this novel. I find the writing style of the novelist very different from what I have read before. 

Some of the chapters in the book are Hasan Ali, Fredrick, Pearce, Rehana, An Interruption, Amin and Rashid, Amin and Jamila, Rashid and Amin, and A Continuation. The setting of the novel is based in a small town along the coast from Mombasa. In 1899, when Hassanali sets out for the mosque he finds and exhausted Englishman. Hassanali rescues the man named Martin Pearce. Pearce recovers and visits Hassanali to thank him for help and support. There Pearce meets Rehana, the sister of Hassanali. Pearce finds her attractive and hence begins the love affair. This all happens on the brink of the twentieth century.

Some of the interesting sentences in the novel are:

• Happy to be disturbed (p. 49).
• Exaggerating his willingness to listen (p. 52).
• Left them bereft and disconsolate in unfamiliar silences (p. 64).
• When inspiration deserts you, it deserts you completely (p. 97).
• You are over-salting the dish (p. 139).
• Elysian pastures (p. 149).
• Knowledge sometimes obscures what was known before (p. 210).

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Book Review: What Went Wrong?: Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response by Bernard Lewis

Islam was at the forefront of human achievement for many centuries. This included military and economic power in the world. Europe was considered as something from which there was nothing to learn or to fear from. Europe changed drastically- first on the battlefront and the marketplace. After that it progressed in every aspect of public and private life. Lewis tries to understand how things changed and how the West rose to dominate the rest. At some places in the book, Lewis writes in a very patronizing tone. The author explains how the Middle East turned its attention towards understanding European weaponry and military tactics, commerce, industry, government, diplomacy, education and culture.

Lewis writes about the differences between the Western and the Middle Eastern cultures from the 18th to the 20th centuries. He makes comparisons of themes related to music, arts, women, civil society and religion. He presents an account which helps in understanding the historical relationship between the Middle East and Europe. The author writes in the early 1600s the Persian won a number of successes against the Turks (p. 12). The Turks were ready to make peace. The Treaty of Carlowitz 1699 was of special importance as it was the first peace signed by a defeated Ottoman Empire with victories Christian adversaries (p. 18). Lewis states that Carlowitz  had two lessons. The first was military, defeat by a superior force. The second lesson was diplomatic- learnt from the process of negotiation (p. 19). For Ottomans philosophy was not useful, but history was.

In the 16th and 17th centuries Arabic Chairs were established in major European universities (p. 42). First the pasha of Egypt, then the sultan of Turkey and then the shah of Persia sent selected groups of students to London, Paris and elsewhere (p. 44). Young Ottomans persuaded the Sultan to proclaim a brand new constitution with the help of some pressure from the European powers (p. 58). There were constitutional revolutions in Persia in 1906 and in Turkey in 1908 (p. 60).

Lewis says that the title of ayatollahs of Iran is quite a modern times and unknown to classical Islamic history (p. 109). He also mentions about interesting examples of how cigarette was used to measure times, invention of sundial and water clock in the Middle East (p. 123). The writer also writes about crusades, Muslim and Christian methods of warfare, migration and government services, telegraph and the changes it brought, the notion of political freedom, money and power in the East and the West, Islamic egalitarianism, slaves in Islam, roots of secularism, separation of powers in Christianity, Jami's Frankish glasses from the 15th century, the notion of frontier and demarcation, Sultan Mahmud's help from abroad.

Further in the book the author writes about the translations in various languages, the three forms of cultural influence (visual, musical and literary), team sports, dinning and dancing. The West European empires taught their subjects English, French, and Dutch because they needed clerks in their offices and counting houses (p. 61). Lewis says that the most valued commodity brought from the East to Europe were slaves(p. 26). Slavery was abolished in Yemen and KSA in 1962 (p. 89).Coffee originally came from Ethiopia (p. 50). 

Bernard Lewis states that 'every dominant civilization has imposed its own modernity in its prime' (150). Printing, translation and newspapers accelerated the process of modernization (p. 50). Steamships, railways and building of road networks accelerated communication (p. 52). Clock, timetable and calendar were the instruments by which modernity was introduced (p. 131). Lewis says that the most powerful instrument of change in the whole process of modernization seems to have begun with railway (p. 130). Modernizers by reform or revolution concentrated their efforts in three main areas, which includes military, economic and political. 

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Book Review: Fidel Castro: Nothing Can Stop the Course of History (Interview by Jeffrey M. Elliot and Mervyn M. Dymally)

This detailed book covers a wide-range interview of the Cuban President Fidel Castro- the David who challenged the goliath. Some of the major themes discussed in the book are U.S-Cuba Relations, Reagan's foreign policy, the New International Economic Order, Politics in Latin America, Cuba's relations with African countries, arms race, political changes in Afghanistan and the economic blockade of Cuba by USA.

Castro believes that Ho Chin Minh and Lenin are great leaders. He also says that Prophet Muhammad and Christ are great leaders (p. 30-31). Castro does not approve of reactionary leaders such as Hitler. He furthers mentions that in the West there is a tendency to view leader of any third world country as chieftain (p. 38).

Fidel Castro says that Americans have an antisocialist, anti-revolutionary and anticommunist view (p. 57). He also adds that the people of the United States are some of the worst-informed people in the world (p. 58). Fidel Castro says that no one respects those he buys. He criticizes the IMF for causing havoc. He says that the US opposed all sanctions against the South African regime (p. 172). Cuba sent forces to Angola, so that they could fight against South Africa which invaded Angola. Further in the book, Castro also talks about the atrocities committed against the African countries, white supremacy, literature, work and sports.

I think the book is very important in understanding the mind and politics of the man who ruled Cuba for a very long time.

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Book Review: An Era of Darkness: The British Empire in India by Sashi Tharoor

An Era of Darkness is about the atrocities against women, ship building in India, role of Scots in India, three big darbars in India, Indian Civil Service, racism. exploitation, Indian parliament and justice in India. It also covers the Criminal Tribes legislation of 1911, colonialism, caste, British, Shi-Sunni divide in Lucknow, Nehru and Edwina, transporting Indian convicts from India, studying English literature in India, English language and its legacy, cricket and coloniality,7000 opium shops in India and the Kohinoor Diamond.

Shashi Tharoor presents interesting facts and arguments in this book. I mention some of them in this review. The author says that the Pitt family produced two Prime Minsters (p. 16). In the late 1920s, 7500 Englishmen were receiving 20 million pounds in pension from India annually(p. 24). Tharoor also agues that 'ironically, Lord Lytton's only qualification for the job of viceroy was that, as Robert Bulwer-Lytton, he was Queen Victoria's favorite poet (p. 182). Allan Octavian Hume was a Scotsman who founded the Indian National Congress (p. 81).

The atrocity and brutality of the British has clearly been exposed by Tharoor. 3289 Indian soldiers went missing in World War I, when 700,000 Indian soldiers fought against the Ottoman Empire (p. 87-88). Jamsetji Tata built Taj Mahal Hotel because he was expelled from Watson's Hotel in Bombay (p. 110). During the Orissa Famine of 1866 while a million and a half million people starved to death, the British exported 200 million pounds of rice to Britain (p. 179). Tharoor believes that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan's son was a judge, who died at 53, because he was not treated well by the British (p.72). 

The 'unfree migrants' of India were carried on British ships. which was an estimated 5300, 000 people (p. 193). Sixteen sons of Bahadur Shah Zafar were tried and hanged by the British (p. 196). Shashi Tharoor argues that the British rule in India was despotic because of the famine, forced migration and brutality (p. 204). Timber was exported to Britain for the construction of houses (p. 240). In 1886, only 86 Indians out of 1015 Engineers in PWD (p. 212). The arrival of the first electricity supplies started in India in the 1890s (p. 255). 

Tharoor says that 'Indians themselves did not drink the tea they produced. It was only during the Great Depression of the 1930s- when demand in Britain dropped and British traders had to unload their stocks- that they thought of selling their produce to the Indians the had ignored for a century' (p. 240). 

This book is a must read for the people of India and Pakistan as the author raises many interesting questions. Anyone interested in reading about the colonial rule of the brutal British rule in India, should definitely read this book.

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Book Review: The Life of Tipu Sultan by Kate Brittlebank

Tipu Sultan was born on the 20th of November 1750. From the National Museum of Scotland in Edinburgh to Powis Castle in Wales to the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, today's tourist can see displays of Tipu memorabilia from the material to the mundane (p. 4).

Tipu's father was Haider Ali, in whose time Mysore was in a strong position (p. 10). Haider Ali began his rise through the ranks of the Mysore army of the Wodeyars. Mysore allied itself with British forces during the succession dispute for the Nawabship of the Carnatic. Later, Mysore switched sides to the French, as a result of broken British promises (p. 15). 

It is probable that Tipu's education included the subjects of the Quran, Islamic jurisprudence, hadiths, languages, philosophy, science and history. Tipu's  courage had been evident from an early age, when as a young boy he began to accompany his father on military campaigns.

Tipu's kingdom included Hindus and Jains. His primary goal was to secure and preserve the territory he had inherited from his father. Tipu devoted a large part of his energy to building on Haider's legacy. Haider and Tipu regarded the French as their ally and French mercenaries were an important component of the Mysore army (p. 32). Mysore already had both natural and manufacturing resources, providing Tipu with a substantial foundation for his economic expansion and commercial developments (p. 33). 

Tipu wrote his dreams. These dreams were thirty-seven in total. Tipu's use of tiger imagery was to convey his awesome power and demonstrate his close connection with the divine. Tipu drew an imagery that resonated with all communities (p. 52).

Kate, the author of this book states that Tipu did not discriminate against any specific religious groups on the basis of their faith. Tipu's own Chief Minister (diwan) was a Hindu. The British victors portrayed Tipu as a religious bigot and tyrant- which he was not, says the author. Writing to potential allies in the mid 1790s, Tipu had made it clear that his aims were twofold: to expel the British from India and to regain the districts he had ceded in 1792. Tipu was not the last Indian to resist the East India Company and its forces; a number of Maratha chiefs continued to fight, for instance, and the Sikhs hung on into the 1840s- so in that sense he was not unique ( p. 73). 

Anyone interested in studying the life of Tipu Sultan should definitely read this book.

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Book Review: The Struggle for Hegemony in Pakistan: Fear, Desire and Revolutionary Horizons

 

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar says that a grounded theory of politics is much needed for the formerly colonized South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa (p. 3). He states that this book brings attention to the challenge of 'forging an alternative hegemonic conception in the historically imperialized zones of the world- system' (p. 5). The author stresses that one cannot understand the global crises without centering attention on non-western, postcolonial regions, particularly Asia and Africa. A large majority of the world population lives in postcolonial countries. There are massive youth bulges in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. And the worst affects of global warming/climate change are to be experienced in East and South Asia (p.7).

In chapter one the author discusses the elite, the new colonialism, Land as an asset, Gwadar, Bahria Town Karachi, DHA Lahore, Thar in Sind, Gilgit-Baltistan and The City on the Ravi River. Aasim says 'the atomized middle-class subject is always on a knife-edge, veering between an insatiable desire for upward mobility and frustration generated by remaining on the outside of the proverbial looking glass. It is on this boundary that potentially transformative political forms can be generated' (p. 52).

Chapter two the author discusses neoliberalism. He says that neoliberal globalization has nevertheless, coincided with a greater share of wealth and income of global output accruing to the non-western world than ever before' (p. 81). In this chapter the author further discuses the planet of slums, neoliberal hegemony and the gendered middle-class subject.

Chapter three is on the digital lifeworld. The author is of the view that 'the field of politics is becoming increasingly complex, the digital space sometimes obscuring and even challenging established networks of political patronage (p. 101).Aasim believes that the there are 'limitations of Aurat Azadi March organizers who still rely, with notable exceptions, on digital publics largely peopled by middle-class political subjects' (p. 119).

The fourth chapter is titled 'The classless subject'. In this chapter the author writes that 'theorizing emancipatory politics in non-western postcolonial countries must correspond to grounded material realities' (p. 125). Aaasim states that 'the actual form and content of an alternative hegemonic conception that incorporates religious subjectivities can only be established in and through struggle, but it is first and foremost necessary to acknowledge this imperative' (p. 148). 

The purpose of this book is to point out main 'structuring factors that are shaping political subjectivity, and which must be accounted for in any political theory that envisions a future humanity in concert with nature' (p. 150). 

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Book Review: After the Neocons: America at the Crossroads by Francis Fukuyama

The central theme of this book is the post September 11, 2001 foreign policy of the United States of America. Francis Fukuyama has come to the conclusion that he can no longer support neoconservatism (both as a political symbol and body of thought) as it has developed into something which has become irreversibly identified with the policies of the first term of George W. Bush's administration. Fukuyama stresses on the need to redefine American foreign policy in a way that it moves beyond the Bush administration's legacy and that of its neoconservative supporters.

Certain interpretations of neoconservatism helped America during the Cold War, but during the 1990s the principles were used to justify a foreign policy that led to the war in Iraq. Fukuyama says that the neoconservative legacy is complex and diverse, tracing its back to the early 1940s. One feature of neoconservative writing during the 1990s was its general lack of interest in international economics or development (p. 43).  They were by and large concerned with politics, security, and ideology; they generated relatively few distinctive opinions about globalization, competitiveness, development, and other issues (p. 44).

Four basic thought that logically explain the policy positions are based on the following principles:

1). A belief that the internal character of regimes matter ad that foreign policy must reflect the deepest values of liberal democratic societies.

2). A belief that American power has been and could be used for moral purposes, and that the United States needs to remain engaged in international affairs.

3). A distrust of social engineering projects.

4). And finally, skepticism about the legitimacy and effectiveness of international law and institutions to achieve either security or justice.

Fukuyama believes that jihadism is a by-product of modernization and globalization, not traditionalism (p. 74). the author says that all foreign policies, including doing nothing and maintaining the status quo, involve risks (p. 92). The Bush administration and its neoconservative supporters failed to anticipate the hostility of the global reaction to the war before undertaking it, particularly in Europe. 

American policy approaches to development were heavily driven by the needs of American foreign policy, since the United States at that time saw itself locked in a deadly competition with the communist world for influence over developing countries. Institutions are one of the many dimensions of development; resources in the form of investment capital, good economic policies, geography, disease burdens, and the like all contribute to development outcomes (p. 123). 

The author says that establishing or reforming institutions is almost always more of a political than a technocratic problem (p. 124). The United States and the international community together have developed an impressive range of political tools for supporting democratic regime change since the early 1980s (p. 131). Fukuyama stresses on the need of multiplicity of international organizations that could provide both power and legitimacy for different types of challenges to world order (p. 162).

Fukuyama believes that what is required is 'realistic Wilsonianism that recognizes the importance to world order of what goes on inside states and that better matches the available tools to the achievement of democratic ends' (p. 184). Furthermore, Fukuyama is of the view that the United States should promote both political and economic development and it should care about what happens inside states around the world. The primary focus should be on 'good governance, political accountability, democracy and strong institutions.'

The author of the book emphasizes on the importance of tacking development and creating overlapping international institutions, and would also avoid 'preventive war'. He presents this as a new approach.

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Book Review: Imperialism at Work: Crow’s Report and Dispatches on Sind Edited by Mubarik Ali

 

This edited book is Crow’s account which covers themes such as history, geography, climate, soil, flora, fauna, languages, attire, occupation, revenue, military forces and fortifications of Sind. At the end of the eighteen century the East India Company had established its political domination in India. It was assumed that Russia in alliance with Persia and Afghanistan would attempt to dismantle the Company’s power in India. Zaman Shah came to power in Afghanistan in 1793 which created anxiety among the Marathas ad the company. The rulers of Sind at that time were the Talpurs who recognized the over lordship of Afghanistan and paid tribute to the Afghan King.

The Mirs of Sind were not fully secure as they feared Miyan Abd al-Nabi, the ousted Kalhora ruler who might return with the support of Zaman Shah. Therefore, the Mirs wanted to have friendly relations with the British to get help in case of any Afghan aggression.

Duncan chose a Persian Merchant Agha Abul Hasan as an envoy and sent him to the court of Sind to assess the political situation and the attitude of the Mirs towards the British government. He was given two letters. The one for Mir Fateh Ali was to request the approval of opening the company to reopen a factory at Thatta and to allow an official mission to Sind to finalize the terms and conditions. The hidden agenda of the British of reopening of the factory had more political advantages than commercial advantages.

The first commercial-cum-political mission arrived in Sind under Nathan Crow, a civil servant of the Bombay government. He was advised to observe the movements of Zaman Shah and win over the friendship of the Mirs (p. 3). He landed for the first time in Karachi in May 1799.

Crow was ordered in October 1800 to close the factory at Thatta and leave Sind. Crow stayed in Sind for 17 months. During this time, he very closely observed and studied the social, political and economic condition of Sind. He repeatedly visited the court and assessed the traits of their character and attempted to lobby for the British. He employed a number of agents through whom he gathered information regarding the country. Crow’s correspondence with Duncan shows that the real motives of the British in Sind were political.

 

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Book Review: Younghusband: The Last Great Imperial Adventurer by Patrick French

 

Francis Younghusband was one of the imperialists and adventures who spent a lot of time in united India. In 1903 he invaded Tibet through a brutal full-scale military invasion. Later in life he became a mystic thinker. Younghusband played a very important role in the ‘Great Game’, an intense political struggle between British India and Tsarist Russia. Despite being a classic Edwardian, in the post-World War era he led the way in religious, philosophical and sexual free-thinking. In this book Patrick French unearths Francis Younghusband’s own letters, papers and original documents. French weaves fine travel writing into historical biography, celebrating the imperial adventure.

I have covered some of the interesting points in this book. Younghusband was born in Murree, which is now part of Pakistan. His father was a Major-General in the Royal Artillery. When Younghusband was a Second Lieutenant, he had five servants in India. Robert Shaw was a relative of Francis Younghusband. Francis presented himself as a flawless hero (p. 74). When Grombchevesky and Younghusband met in late nineteenth century, they communicated in French. Younghusband wanted to tame the ruler of Hunza by invading Hunza, which he did in 1891. The Russians had already gained permission to station a council at Kashgar in 1882.

Younghusband moved to Giligt for his exams. He also mentions about the bisexuality of the Mehtar of Chitral. Younghusband believed that the races of Africa and Asia were inferior. He met Curzon, Gandhi and many other people. In 1906 he became the British Resident in Kashmir. Younghusband befriends Bertrand Russell. Russel praises Younghusband. According to Russell the intellectual life at Harvard was very poor. Russell was also expelled from Cambridge. According to the author of this book ‘Russell allowed his crusading ambition to trample on a personal relationship’ (p. 306).

Grombchevesky wrote a letter to Younghusband saying that he was dying and wanted Younghusband to publish his book Kashgar. Younghusband did not. The reasons remain unknown. Younghusband’s views changed at a later stage in his life. Younghusband got honorary doctorate degrees from Edinburgh, Bristol and Cambridge universities.

Dogs and Indian were barred from walking in the Mall at Shimla till 1918. During Lord Minto’s time in India Brown trout eggs were brought to Kahsmir. This book also covers the details of the invasion of Tibet. Curzon wanted the invasion of Tibet and Younghusband acted as Curzon’s henchmen.

I think this book is very interesting for people who want to understand about the professional and personal lives of the colonial officers who lived in India.

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Book Review: British Relations in Sindh (1799-1843): An Anatomy of Imperialism by Robert A. Huttenback (Introduction by Mathhew A. Cook)

 

This book is based on seven chapters. Chapter one covers the French threat, second chapters reflect on the controversy surrounding Cutch (Kutch), third describes the expansion of the British in the region. Chapter four focuses on the Afghan crises from 1834 to 1838. The next chapter gives details about Ellenborough, Napier and the Amirs of Sind. Chapter six is about the annexation of Sind and the repercussions of annexation. Chapter seven is the final chapter which states the conclusion of the book.

The East India company maintained factories in Sindh from 1635 to 1662 and from 1758 to 1775. In the 16th century the Balochs moved to Sindh from the West hills of Sind to become the governing class of the province. In the last years of the eighteenth century the British were well aware of the extension of the French hegemony across Europe. The British became alarmed. As a defense the British wanted to take control of Sindh as it was a logical invasion route (p. 1). Cutch became a British dependency after the treaties of 1816 and 1819. British activity in Sind after the treaty of 1834 was directed toward attainment of three objectives: the conducting of a full survey of the Indus, the encouragement of increased commerce on the river, and the establishment of a residency in Sind. These goals were all achieved within the next four years with the indirect aid of Ranjit Sind (p. 29).

Ranjit Singh could only expand in the direction of Sind, and his efficient army commanded by French officers remained an implicit threat to British influence in the area (p. 31). In 1818 he captured Multan and in 1823. In 1835 Ranjit Singh moved against the Mazari tribe of Rojhan (headed by their chief Behram Khan).

Huttenback states that British contacts with Sind were initially limited to trading establishments and then to treaties which had as their role purpose the protection of India from invasion first by France and later by Russia through the Indus valley. When these fears waned British interest in Sindh faded. By 1830 British interest in Sindh increased. They wanted commerce. As per the author the British did not want trade with Sind, in fact they wanted trade with the interior of Asia where the Russian was already present. Sind was assumed to be a buffer against Russia and a major line of communication.

The treaties of 1832, 1834, and 1838-1839 changed the amirs from the rulers of an independent nation to princes of a client state (p. 110). The attitude of the British officers varied from individual to individual, but it was evident to some degree in virtually every officer who acted on behalf of the company on the subcontinent.

Huttenback’s study provides an insight to the complexities of nineteenth-century British imperialism when the British empire was still expanding.

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Book Review: The New Rulers of the World by John Pilger

John Pilger is an Australian investigative journalist and documentary film-maker who lives in London. In this book, Pilger exposes the myth of globalization. He gives a detailed analysis of the events in Indonesia.  He reveals how General Suharto came to power in 1960s due to western agenda which marked start of the imposition of the ‘global economy’ upon Asia.

The author brings to light the nature of modern imperialism. He unveils its secrets and illusions. Pilger states that about a million people died in Indonesia because of the World Bank’s ‘model pupil’. Atrocities of the western powers in Iraq also covered. With that, he also discusses the subjugation of the Aboriginal people in Australia.

Pilgers says that a sophisticated system of plunder has forced more than ninety countries into ‘structural adjustment’ programs since the eighties, widening the divide between rich and poor as never before. According to him this results in a world where an elite of fewer than a billion people controls 80 per cent of humanity’s wealth. The author objects to the West’s claims of furthering development of the poor world. He says that although members of the United Nations have agreed that the rich countries should give a minimum of 0.7 per cent of their Gross National Product in genuine aid to the poor world, Britain gives just 0.34 percent and the United States barely registers, with 0.19 (p. 121).

Pilger believes that ‘when great truths are omitted, myths take their place, and the nature and pattern of great power are never explained to the public’ (p. 128). He criticizes the academic hierarchy by mentioning the politics departments. As per Pilger, in these departments the task of liberal realists is to ensure that western imperialism is intercepted as crises management, rather than the cause of the crises and its escalation. By never recognizing western state terrorism, their complicity is assured. To state this simple truth is deemed unscholarly; better to say nothing (p. 156).

Writing about the Aboriginal population the author states that the life expectancy of the Aborgines is up to twenty-five years shorter than whites, lower than in most countries and matched only in India and Central Africa (p. 165). Pilger’s solution for the Australian tragedy is through justice and political will.

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Book Review: Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics by Joseph S. Nye, Jr.

 

Power is the ability to influence the behavior of others to get the outcomes one wants. This can be done through coerce by threats, induce them with payments or through attraction and co-option. Soft power is the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. When you can get others to admire your ideals and to want what you want, you do not have to spend as much on sticks and carrots to move them in your direction. The U.S government spends four hundred times more on hard power than on soft power.

Soft power involves agenda setting, attraction and co-opt. Government policies at home and abroad are another potential source of soft power. For example, in the 1950s racial segregation at home undercut American soft power in Africa. Much of American soft power has been produced by Hollywood, Harvard, Microsoft, and Michael Jordan. It is true that firms, universities, foundations, churches, and other nongovernmental groups develop soft power of their own that may reinforce or be at odds with official foreign policy goals. Credibility is an important source of soft power.

The author categorizes power into three types. This includes military power, economic power and soft power. He further stresses that soft power is not a constant, but something that varies by time and space. Stating culture as a source of soft power, the author quotes Secretary of State Colin Power saying that ‘I can think of no more valuable asset to our country than the friendship of future world leaders who have been educated here.’ He further argues that hard power created the stand-off of military containment, but soft power eroded the Soviet system from within.

Regarding the soft power of NGOs, the author says that the information revolution has greatly enhanced it. NGOs and network organizations have soft-power resources and do not hesitate to use them. The early efforts of soft-power resources can be observed in France. In the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France promoted its culture. One example is the creation of Alliance Francaise in 1883 for the promotion of French language and literature. In Britain BBC was founded in 1922 which later broadcasted in all major European languages. As far as the United States is concerned VOA broadcasts in 53 languages to an estimated audience pf 91 million people (p. 104).

The author mentions three dimensions of public diplomacy. First is daily communication which involves explaining the context of domestic and foreign policy decisions. Second, is strategic communication in which a set of simple themes is developed, much like what occurs in a political or advertising campaign. Third is the development of lasting relationships with key individuals over many years through scholarships, exchanges, training, seminars, conferences, and access to media channels.

The author believes that the United States cannot meet the new threat identified in the national security strategy without the cooperation of other countries. He creates a need for learning how to better combine hard and soft power to meet new challenges. He wants the budget of public diplomacy to be doubled. In the concluding paragraph of the last chapter the author stresses that ‘America’s success will depend upon our developing a deeper understanding of the role of soft power and developing a better balance of hard and soft power in our foreign policy. That will be smart power. We have done it before; we can do it again.’

Ney emphasizes that soft power will help America deal with critical global issues that require multilateral cooperation.

 

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Book Review: The Ismailis and Kirgiz of the Upper Amu Darya and Pamirs in Afghanistan: A Micro-history of Delineating International Borders by David Straub

 

This thesis explores the Afghan occupation of the Upper Amu Darya and the Pamirs. The creation of the international borders in 1895 and the effect it had on the Ismaili and Kirghiz communities is investigated. Special emphasis is placed on how the new borders impacted trade and migration. With that, the position of the local political elites is also discussed.

Many of the border agreements are also mentioned in this world. How British, Russia, China and Afghanistan affected people of the mountain societies is described. After Mir Ali Mardan was ousted, a Kirghiz was appointed as the new governor of Wakhan. People from the south started migrating to Wakhan.

The Kirghiz near the Chinese side were once looted by the Qing officilas at Rangkul. As per the author, there was a pashtunization of local administrative positions among the Ismailis. Eleven Hakims were appointed in Wakhan. This composed of various ethnicities. Rehman Qul, a headman among the Kirghiz moved due to Soviet incursion and decided to go to Taghdumbash Pamir in Xinjiang. All the political, social and economic disturbances caused by drawing of borders is thoroughly discussed in this work. Anyone who has interested in politics of mountain communities of Central Asia should read this work.

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Book Review: Jail Diary and Other Writings by Bhagat Singh

 

This is a very important collection of Bhagat Singh’s works. Singh was an Indian Communist revolutionary executed by the British colonizers in 1931. His age at that time was 23. He wrote his diary in the last two years of his life. After his execution his jail diary was handed over to his father. The first chapter in this book is on the problem of Punjab’s language and script. His statements, letters, hunger strike demands, pamphlets and petitions are part of this collection.

Singh says that centuries of warfare and Muslim invasions had dried up the literature of Punjab. He says that Muslims totally lack Indianess that is why they want to propagate Arabic script and Persian language. Singh says that Punjabi people themselves refuse their own captivating language.

In one of his statements Singh is of the view that a radical change is necessary to reorganize society on socialist basis. Regarding the LCC Ordinance Singh says that misrepresentation is and has always been the best instrument in the hands of the government to meet their enemies. Further in the book he strongly advocates against imperialism. He believes it to be exploitative. Singh’s letter to his father is also published as a chapter in this book.

Singh’s message to young political workers is to adopt Marxism as ideology. He wants them to work among people, organize workers and peasants and for the Communist party. He praises Lenin’s political acumen. Moreover, in another chapter he accuses British Labor leaders of betraying their struggle. He says that they have been reduced to mere hypocrite imperialists. Singh says that for him compromise never means surrender. This book a must read for those who want to study South Asian history.

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Book Review: Power and Terror: Post-9/11 Talks and Interviews by Noam Chomsky

 

Noam Chomsky completed his undergraduate and graduate studies at the University of Pennsylvania. He received his PhD degree from the same university in 1955. Moreover, he has received many honorary degrees and has written extensively on important themes. Considered a world-renowned political activist and professor, Chomsky in this book presents his views through a lengthy interview and a series of public talks he gave in the spring of 2002.

Without mincing words, the author writes about the double standards of the United States. He stresses that the United States should apply to its own actions the same moral standards it demands from other states. Addressing the issues related to terror, the author brings in the stark realities of the American intervention in Vietnam, Central America and the Middle East region.

Chomsky sees himself as the enabler of social change by providing his audience with information and analysis. In history imperial countries have always remained immune to atrocities. The author stresses that as he was growing up he along with other children used to play cowboys and Indians. He says: “We were the cowboys and we killed the Indians”. He tries to the antagonism that existed within American society.

Chomsky says that Turkey was the first country to offer troops to the U.S in Afghanistan because U.S was the only country willing to provide massive support for Turkey’s atrocities in southeast Turkey against Kurds. He further gives many examples from recent history in which he points out the hypocrisy of some of the world powers. Haiti, Cuba, Honduras, North Korea, Vietnam, Palestine, Iraq, Iran and many other examples are also quoted. In addition to that, he also criticizes hypocrisy of the western media and the intellectuals in addressing genuine issues of the world.

Chomsky concludes by saying that the world is a far more civilized place than it was in the past. Highlighting the challenges of the present age, Chomsky does not present pessimism in any case. In fact, he espouses optimism. His optimism is based on the point that armed with knowledge the public with not fail to act.

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