Book Review: Iran: A Revolution in Turmoil (Edited by Haleh Afshar)

Book chapters contributed by the different authors for this book include Ervand Abrahamian, Haleh Afshar, Kamran Afshar, Reza Fazel, Fereidun Fesharaki, Mohamad Hashem Pesaran and Ayatollah Morteza Motahari. In this review I will provide an overview of the chapters. The major focus of this book is the practical reality of the development process in Iran. Safavid dynasty existed from 1500 to 1722. There was an Allied military occupation of Iran from 1941 to 1945. Iran’s industrialization took place from 1921 to 1941. An American consultant company was involved in the development planning in Iran, which was passed by the Iranian parliament in 1949. Less than half of the population in Iran spoke Farsi (p. 5). 

In the introduction of the book, it has also been mentioned that in the late 1960s, the policies of consolidation of holdings and concentration of resources on the modern, capital-intensive rural concerns, deprived small peasant proprietors of much needed credit and displaced many without providing them with alternative employment The resulting widespread rural poverty led to large-scale rural-urban migration (p. 4). 

One of the authors named Pesaran shows how the IMF choked Iran (p. 31). He adds that about half the doctors of Iran in 1973 were located in Tehran (p. 30). The author states that the oil workers' strike in Khuzestan was instrumental in bringing down the Shah. After the revolution, the Shia uleemas consolidated their political leadership in Iran.

Kamran Afshar quotes Dale W. Jorgenson who argues that: “transfer of labor from agriculture will result in a decline in agricultural production, thereby creating a problem of feeding the increasing urban population (p. 52). Afshar further states that in the 1960s, working with a western model of development and its concepts the planners branded agriculture as ‘backward’ (p. 63).

Haleh Afshar writes that the deleterious effects of the development plans were important contributing factors to the 1978 revolution. She also states that “it is worth noting that the revolution was a primarily urban phenomenon” (p. 71). In the early 1980s farmers were making a 10 000 rials loss per hectare of cultivated wheat (p. 74). Haleh Afshar writes that during the First World War the British, who were occupying the southern provinces of Khouzestan set up the South Persian Rifles, mainly with Indian recruits, to protect the oilfields (p. 176). Under the Qajars the military was always commanded by foreigners. Britian and Russia sent tehri forces to dispose the Shah whose pro-German sympathies were unacceptable to the Western Allies (p. 177-8). The Iranian forces could only last for three days. Reza Shah was deposed and his 18-year-old son Muhammad Reza Shah was placed on the throne by the Allies. 

Fazel mentions that Reza Shah interrupted the seasonal migrations which resulted in massive losses for the nomads. Reza Shah thought the tribal people to be incompatible with national unity and a danger to the internal security of Iran. Shah’s attitude and his actions reflected his intent to destroy the socio-economic and political foundation of the tribal societies (p. 82). He also mentions that in a tribal society the principal mechanism of conflict resolution is mediation by a member of the community who is mutually respected by the disputants. He further states on the same page that the arbitrator must not be hampered by self-interest (p. 89). Fazel writes that the three major tribal populations include Turkomans, Kurds and Baluchis. Abrahamian writes that under Pahelvi Azeri language had been banned from the publishing houses. Writers such as Nabdel were only allowed to get published in Persian.  

Further in the book the authors discuss Fadayan Marxist group, how land reforms by the Shah increased corruption among the bureaucrats, list of foreign oil companies in Iran, Anglo-Persian Agreement of August 1919, drawn up by Lord Curzon, Invasion of Persia by the Russians in 1911, role of bazaar leaders (p. 136), interesting comparison of Iran and Europe with respect to riots, disturbances and strikes (p. 143), theory of urban guerilla warfare developed by communist Brazilian, merger of different groups (p. 169), qualities of Imam Khomeini (p. 208), rich uleema in Iran (p. p. 221), Reza Shah imposition of bureaucratic control over one of the important sources of income for the ulema (p. 222) and Khomeini’s version of Islamic government called Valayateh Fiqh. In the Epilogue of the book, women, educational institutions and media are discussed. The department of humanities was closed for four years under Khomeini and women were not allowed to progress in the field of education.

While reading the book I found some interesting words which include Zargos mountains (xi), boneh (p. 60), joft (p. 69), Dasht-e-Moghan (p. 101), Rasht (p. 124), Sattar Khan (p. 131)- a name in Iran and Savant (p. 203).

Read More

Book Review: Antonio Gramsci: Working-Class Revolutionary- Essays and Interviews (Edited by Martin Thomas)

The essays and the interview collected in this booklet discuss the ideas and the politics of Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), especially in the light of a major recent study of Gramsci, Peter Thomas's book The Gramscian Moment. They argue that Gramsci's ideas are best and most loyally understood as a contribution to working-class revolutionary socialist battle against the capitalist system, which as the financial crash of 2008 and its sequels show, is as much a system of class exploitation and social destruction as ever.

Italy stayed out of World War I (p. 6). The workers defeat opened the way for the rise of fascism. Mussolini took power in 1922 (p. 8).  Mussolini consolidated his power in 1926 (p. 8). Mussolini was a former member of the Socialist party (p. 9). 

Gramsci spent much of his life building a Marxist party (p. 13). For some time he operated from Vienna. Gramsci was developing themes first sketched by Antonio Labriola, a late 19th century philosopher who gradually, as a maverick on the fringes of the socialist movement, developed a supple and imaginative version of Marxism as "philosophy of practice" (p. 74)

In chapter two, Peter Thomas writes that 'we need to reaffirm that deepening the conception of politics and political organization- and linking that with a Marxist critique of political economy- remains at the absolute center of Gramsci's project the entire way through (p. 19).

In the third chapter Peter Thomas says that 'for a proletarian hegemony , Gramsci argues that a politics of truth is necessary. He states on many occasions that the precondition for doing mass politics in the working classes need to speak the truth (p. 22). Politics, for Gramsci, was not conceived of as a moment of administration or command from above, but always in terms of the transformative dimensions of a social  formation or relations between social formations (p. 24).

Peter Thomas says that Gramsci 'came to the view that it is only by acknowledging the always-already-practical nature of philosophy that it is possible not only to criticize previous forms of philosophy (including, crucially, the criticism of previous conceptions of Marxist philosophy), but also to go further and attempt to develop a new form of philosophical practice that would arguably be more genuinely philosophical than the contending and rival positions, if we are to understand philosophy as always a practice, as "love of wisdom", in the classic sense' (p. 37-38).

Moreover, Peter Thomas mentions that 'the "democratic philosopher", for Gramsci, became the philosopher who was mature enough to acknowledge the foundation of their thought in the common every day practices of the people, a philosopher who was open to the capacity for transformation of those instances, and sought himself or herself to contribute to their transformation through his or her intervention in linguistic, conceptual, or political forms' (p. 39). He believes that the democratic philosopher means an active citizen.

In chapter six, Martin Thomas states that 'the last 25 years prove that a battle for democratic forms is ineffectual if not tied together with a socialist battle to reorganize the working-class as an assertive, militant combatant for its own interest, as the champion of democracy, and as the leader of all the oppressed and plebeians' (p. 65).

Further themes in the book include hegemonic apparatuses, Gramsci's analytical developments, neo-liberalism and class organization (p. 35), 'democratic philosopher', Marx, French Communist party philosopher Louis Althusser, cosmopolitan academic and Eurocommunist. This booklet discusses a major recent study on the Notebooks- Peter Thomas's The Gramscian Moment- and argues that the Notebooks were in fact a powerful contribution to the working-out of revolutionary working-class strategy in developed capitalist societies. 

Read More

Book Review: Critical Theory and Society: A Reader (Edited with an Introduction by Stephen Eric Bronner and Douglas Mackay Kellner)

The Frankfurt School was the first Marxist-oriented research institute in Europe. Its members made an effort to revise both the Marxian critique of capitalism and the theory of revolution, as after the death of Marx new social and political conditions had evolved. The broad themes included in this book are social psychology, cultural criticism, philosophy and political theory. During World War II Marcuse and others went to USA to work for the US government. Horkheimer and Adorno went to California where they worked on theory.

Erich Fromm states that 'what psychoanalysis can bring to sociology is the knowledge- though still imperfect- of the human psychic apparatus, which is a determinant of social development alongside technical, economic, and financial factors, and deserves no less consideration that the other factors mentioned' (p. 38). Erich Fromm writes that 'every form of society has not only its own economic and political, but also its specific libidinous structure, and psychoanalysis can finally explain certain deviations from the course of development expected on the basis of the economic preconditions (p. 216).

Leo Lowenthal says that 'a genuine, explanatory history of literature must proceed on materialistic principles' (p. 44). He further says that 'psychology must be considered as one of the principal mediating processes, particularly in the field of literary studies, since it describes the psychic processes by means of which the cultural functions of a work of art reproduce the structures of the societal base' (p. 45). Lowenthal critiques social research as it 'takes the phenomena of modern life, including the mass media, at face value. It rejects the task of placing them in a historical and moral context' (p. 191). In the same chapter the author states the popular culture has its own characteristics of standardization, stereotypy, conservatism, mendacity, manipulated consumer goods (p. 195).

Horkheimer writes that an existing society is increasingly endangered by its internal tensions, the energies spent in maintaining an ideology grow greater and finally the weapons are readied for supporting it with violence (p. 55). Writing on the Jews and Europe Horkheimer states that 'whoever is not willing to talk about capitalism should also keep quiet about fascism' (p. 78). In the same chapter on page 79, the interesting connection between the market economy and the advertising signs is presented. Further in the chapter he critiques liberalism,  writes about Mandeville's view on fascism and Kant's categorical imperative. Horkheimer says that 'not ideas but utility are decisive for the bourgeoisie' (p. 88). He further writes that 'someone who can only play at politics should keep away from it' (p. 93).

On state capitalism, Pollock writes that 'the genuine problem of a planned society does not lie in the economic but in the political sphere, in the principles to be applied in deciding what needs shall have preference, how much time shall be spent for work, how much of the social product shall be consumed and how much used for expansion, etc. (p. 99).

Marcuse writes that civilization is man's subjugation to work (p. 125). On the same page he writes that satisfaction is postponed and enjoyment sacrificed. Writing on philosophy and critical theory Marcuse is of the view that 'critical theory is, last but not least, critical of itself and of the social forces that make up its own basis' (p. 72). Marcuse writes that the proletariat's quality of being  'potentially revolutionary force' is definitive of its very existence (p. 288). In the chapter, The reification of the proletariat, Marcuse is of the view that 'within the global system, the multinational corporations keep the competitive conflicts from becoming explosive' (p. 291).

Adorno mentions that 'the power of the culture industry is such that conformity has replaced consciousness' (p. 133). Critical Theorist Walter Benjamin opines that 'discretion concerning one's own existence, once an aristocratic virtue, has become more and more an affair of petit-bourgeois parvenus' (p. 174).

Jurgen Habermas writes about the public sphere in which he traces the link between the newspaper and public opinion (p. 140). In the last chapter Jurgen Habermas writes that 'In the past decade or two, conflicts have developed in advanced Western societies that deviate in various ways from the welfare-state pattern of institutionalized conflict over distribution. They no longer flare up in domains of material reproduction; they are no longer channeled through parties and associations; and they can no longer be allayed by compensations. Rather, these new conflicts arise in domains of cultural reproduction, social integration, and socialization; they are carried out in substitutional - or at least extra parliamentary- forms of protest; and the underlying deficits reflect a reification of communicatively structured domains of action that will not respond to the media of money and power' (p. 305). 

Habermas mentions about the 'old politics' and the new politics. New politics find strong support among new middle classes, among the younger generation, and in groups with more formal education (p. 305). The old politics has strong support base among employers, workers, and the middle-class tradesmen.

In this book there is discussion on the differences between between Horkheimer and Marcuse, Adorno's views on Jazz- which he considers "utterly impoverished" (p. 14), Marcuse's marginal groups theory, points in favor of state capitalism, scarcity economy, French Enlightenment, Adorno on Lyric poetry and society, Adorno's view on Jazz in Europe, Erich Fromm's critique of Marcuse, Marcuse's critique of Marx and Marcuse's mention of the surplus consciousness.

Read More

Book Review: Glimpses Into The Corridors of Power by Gohar Ayub Khan

Gohar Ayub Khan's book provides an insight to the upper echelons of power in Pakistan. Basically this book serves as an autobiography. Khan provides details of his grandfather and father. He also briefly traces his family history. Ayub Khan's father was a Risaldar Major, and when he passed away Ayub was away from home. When Ayub returned home he opened his father's grave (p. 8). I am not certain if this is still practiced in Pakistan. 

The author also writes about the brothers of Ayub Khan and their appointments. One of Ayub Khan's brother was posted in Chilas. Ayub himself was once posted in Waziristan. Gohar writes that his father Ayub Khan rode a bicycle to office when he was a Major General (p. 40). Gohar also writes that Ayub Khan raised the SSG in Cherat. Ayub had made ZAB the Secretary General of Muslim League (p. 142). Ayub Khan passed away in 1974.

Gohar Ayub went to Burn Hall School Srinagar where English was the only language allowed. Burn Hall was later shifted to Abbottabad in 1947, into the old Abbott Hotel (p. 17). Gohar Ayub also writes about the discrimination faced by Indian cadets at Sandhurst (p. 25). He also mentions about the discriminations faced by East Pakistanis, as they were patronized by the people of West Pakistan. 

The author writes that Iskander Mirza was forced to resign and then he went to London. Gohar Ayub writes that G. Allana was sent by Bhutto to Mumbai to revisit the pandit who had make certain predictions about Bhutto's life (p. 141-42). Chinese wanted to build the KKH to be far from Soviet reach, that is why Kilik was avoided (p. 108). Gohar states that Yahya Khan had a draft constitution ready well before the 1971 war (p. 136).

When Zia was in power he kept Asghar Khan under house arrest for four years (p. 140). Zia allowed the establishment of a cement factory in Islamabad which was against the laws of CDA (p. 192). Gohar Ayub had good relations with Nusrat Bhutto. She expressed her wish to become Ambassador of a European country (p. 213). Gohar helped her in the process and when everything was almost done, Nusrat backtracked, most probably because of Benazir. 

Gohar says that Benazir did everything possible to damage Nawaz Sharif's businesses (p. 207). Nawaz Sharif's father was arrested on the instruction of Benazir (p. 254). In 1997 Pakistan Muslim League won two third of the seats in the National Assembly (p. 264). Nawaz Sharif appointed one of his close friends (a businessman) as the Honorary Counsel General in Washington. Gohar Ayub suggested Nawaz Sharif to keep four things in mind to ensure success- to keep good relations with the President, the Army Chief, the Americans, and make no open declarations of war against India (p. 210). 

Further in the book, there are details about the Gandhara Industries, meeting Zhou Enlai, Yahya Khan's decisions, politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Tashkent declaration, relationship with China, testing bombs, economic issues of Pakistan and civil-military relations. A very interesting revelation by Gohar Ayub was that the National Assembly library was used only by 3.5 percent of all the MNAs (p. 235). Another interesting incident is about 13 Chinese nationals who crossed into Pakistan via the Shimshal Pass.

Pakistan gave $10 million each to the Central Asian States in 1992, for development projects (p. 295). Moreover, in the book Gohar also writes that the people and the administration of Northern Areas quote a letter written in 1937, which claims the village of Bhasha to be in Northern Areas (p. 313). In this book Gohar includes his decisions upon his return to Islamabad after visiting the region. This book also includes the events up till the appointment of General Ziauddin Butt as the new Army Chief.

I found this book very interesting as it gives a personal account of various events in Pakistan's political history. 

Read More

Book Review: Property Taxes and State Incapacity in Pakistan by Muhammad Mujtaba Piracha

Piracaha tries to provide answers to some of the most serious questions regarding taxation in Punjab, the most populated province of Pakistan. The author discusses the reasons behind the low property tax in Punjab, inter-governmental politics, low fiscal equilibrium, public service delivery, formal tax collection, questions of enforcement and what can be done to improve the tax collection. In the preface of the book Pircaha writes about the 'fiscal contract' between the citizens and the state. In the state the people are sure that their lives and property are secure and that they are getting services in return for their money (taxes).

In Punjab alone, the government collects about 1 billion in agriculture income tax, where the potential is between 50-70 billion (p.7). Some experts say that the aid flow to Pakistan helped the government put off the required tax reforms and avoid the political costs of taxation (p. 7). Piracha is inspired by Robert Wade (1982), whose work is used as an approach to study the irrigation department in India.

The author says that Punjab has historically neglected raising its own source revenues (p. 19). One perspective is that the provincial government of Punjab does not commit adequate resources to digitalize property tax (p. 38). Further in the book the author discusses responsibilities of junior officer, channeling of taxes, district civil service cadre, global level institutional arrangements, initiation of NFC in 1951, government's financial accounting system, local banks, failure in the delivery of public services

Piracha is of the view that the rich including the industrialists show large chunks of their income as agricultural (p. 85). An oft-quoted quip in the civil service is that 'it is easier to fire the Prime Minister of Pakistan, than a peon in a government office' (p. 102). Other themes discussed in the book are bribes and hiring in Punjab, increase in reviews and monitoring missions by donors, ET and NCD hierarchy of Punjab, corruption, patronage, and the civil service.

The lower staff usually feels threatened by digitalization (p. 121). The constable usually introduces himself as 'tax officer' (p. 120). Piracha also writes about the difficulty in collecting full payments, different types of taxes based on location, examples from an established family of Lahore, lacking in the tax assessment, tax administration reform and corruption amongst the civil servants. The last line of the book says that 'a nation's real strength lies in socio-economic progress and the happiness of its people' (p. 185). 

Read More

Book Review: Sir Syed Ahmad Khan by Begum Naz

Syed Ahmad Khan's (SAK) grandfather had migrated from Herat. Syed was born in October 1817 to Mir Muttaqi. He was sent to a maktab. From his father he learnt archery and swimming. Khan's mother told him: 'Life is full of vicissitudes you must only form such habits as you can always live with' (p. 9).

Khan went to England where he visited Cambridge and studied the education system in the university.  Syed was an advocate of advanced scientific education. He was very practical and realistic. The author of this book states that Khan 'was not a preacher by vocation but by compulsion of circumstances, hence it would be safer not to treat this aspect of his personality further' (p. 48). Naz furthers stresses that Khan's greatest work was to instill lost confidence in the hearts of the Muslims and to open before them fresh alternative avenues and pathways which alone could relieve them from their state of utter hopelessness and despair (p. 56).

Khan was elected the honorary fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society of London in 1864 (p. 10). The British took formal permission from Mughal Emperor to administer Bengal and Bihar during the time of Shah Alam (p. 11). There is an incident of the murder of a person named Nana by the English officer Saunders. This officer chopped Nana's nose, ears, fingers and toes (p. 14).

The role of missionaries, British plunder during the 1857 revolt, realism of SSAK and his publications are also explained in the book.

Read More

Book Review: Pakistan and the Bomb: Public Opinion and Nuclear Options (Edited by Samina Ahmed and David Cortright)

Pakistan and the Bomb presents one of the most thorough surveys of Pakistani public opinion on nuclear policy. It examines the main factors that brought a nuclear arms race in South Asia. One of the perspectives in the book is that the majority of the Pakistani elite support their country's official stance of keeping the nuclear option open. Fear of an attack from India is the central factor behind the support for the nuclear option.

Pakistan's nuclear program gradually evolved during 1960s (p. 9). The nuclear postures of India and Pakistan have gone from calculated ambiguity to overt weaponization. In 1976 Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was dispatched to Islamabad and later to Paris in a bid to halt the reprocessing deal (p. 34). Pakistan's journey to nuclear weapons capability, the three wars of Pakistan, troubled relationship with USA, China's role, and budget allocation for the military are also discussed in the book. The book presents the reader with different perspectives on nuclear policy choices, public opinion poll, and offers a new vision which can lead to a more nuclear weapons'-free future.

Read More

Book Review: Fidel Castro: Nothing Can Stop the Course of History (Interview by Jeffrey M. Elliot and Mervyn M. Dymally)

This detailed book covers a wide-range interview of the Cuban President Fidel Castro- the David who challenged the goliath. Some of the major themes discussed in the book are U.S-Cuba Relations, Reagan's foreign policy, the New International Economic Order, Politics in Latin America, Cuba's relations with African countries, arms race, political changes in Afghanistan and the economic blockade of Cuba by USA.

Castro believes that Ho Chin Minh and Lenin are great leaders. He also says that Prophet Muhammad and Christ are great leaders (p. 30-31). Castro does not approve of reactionary leaders such as Hitler. He furthers mentions that in the West there is a tendency to view leader of any third world country as chieftain (p. 38).

Fidel Castro says that Americans have an antisocialist, anti-revolutionary and anticommunist view (p. 57). He also adds that the people of the United States are some of the worst-informed people in the world (p. 58). Fidel Castro says that no one respects those he buys. He criticizes the IMF for causing havoc. He says that the US opposed all sanctions against the South African regime (p. 172). Cuba sent forces to Angola, so that they could fight against South Africa which invaded Angola. Further in the book, Castro also talks about the atrocities committed against the African countries, white supremacy, literature, work and sports.

I think the book is very important in understanding the mind and politics of the man who ruled Cuba for a very long time.

Read More

Book Review: Xi Jinping's Governance and the Future of China by Zhou Xinmin

In this book review I cover some of the points which I find interesting. As soon as Xi took office he showed a strong commitment to solve the fundamental problems of China. Zhou, the author of this book states that the unity of knowledge and practice is a cornerstone of the Marxist theory of knowledge- a basic principle and methodology of dialectical materialism.  He believes that Xi Jinping has put emphasis on practice, stressing theoretical innovation to guide practice, and develop a cycle of practice and knowledge (p. 91).

President Xi places special emphasis on people. Xi says that 'only the people can judge whether they are living a life of prosperity' (p.100). Further in the book the qualities of great leaders are mentioned. Zhou Xinmin says that great leaders are always able to make judgments based on unique thinking, and take resolute action to solve problems. They are also masters at spotting bad tendencies, summarizing lessons and discovering patterns, and addressing changing times and upcoming trends. For the, strategic thinking and the art of wisdom are equally important (p.111). 

Zhou often mentions Mao's leadership qualities. He also states that Mao lost six family members during the people's liberation and one son during the Korean War (p. 117). Zhou refers to Henry Kissinger's thought on Xin. Kissinger considers Xin a person who 'conveys a strong will and capabilities with his every move (p. 121). Zhou considers Xi a strategic leader who emphasizes driving domestic reform through opening up, actively engaging in global governance and the world economy, developing China by integrating with the world, gaining an objective and clear understanding of China's problems, paying equal attention to developed and less developed areas, to urban areas and rural areas, and to GDP and the quality of life, and ensuring prosperity for all Chinese The emphasis on research-based methods has enabled Xi to practice the art of governance with a focus on key problems (p. 124).

Xi learned five things from his father, which includes: first- self-cultivation, second- devotion to work, third- belief and commitment, fourth- patriotism and fifth- simple living (p. 149). Xi faced a lot of hardships in his childhood and because of that he developed a bond with people. His career is based on years of work experience at various positions which gave him a solid ground for practicing governance and prepared him for the future.

This book brings out the core areas of President Xi's governance philosophy. When I started reading this book I was very excited, but after reading some pages I realized that much of the content in the book was repeated. I think it seems more like a manifesto for propaganda purposes and does not qualify as a serious academic work. The book also does not provide a very deep understanding of the Chinese leader and his policies. It is a simple narration.

Read More

Book Review: MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed Bin Salman by Ben Hubbard

In mid 1700s one of the ancestors of MBS named Mohammed Ibn Saud made the first attempt to create a Saudi proto-state around his native village of Diriyah. Mohammed got an edge by forming an alliance with the fundamentalist cleric named Sheikh Mohammed Ibn Abdul-Wahab (p. 5). The kingdom of Saudi Arabia was declared in 1932 and the discovery of oil took place in 1938.

When MBS was growing up he saw who mattered in which tribe and the positions of different clerics. MBS studied Law at King Saud University. He did not have a foreign degree and did not live a very lavish life like other members of his extended family. Abdul Aziz was MBS's grandfather. 

During his rise to power MBS neutralized the clerics with a single royal decree (p. 63). When Obama visited KSA, the monarch (MBN) did not visit him. Instead, the Governor of Riyadh was chosen. Writing about his conduct the author states that MBS was 45 minutes late for his meeting with Ban Ki Moon (p. 104).  The crown prince developed close relations with the Trump family. An interesting detail revealed in the book is that Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner was accepted into Harvard because his father had pledged 2.5 million dollars to the university (p. 108).

Hubbard states that MBS's influence can be estimated by the fact that events such as the Yemen intervention, the arrest campaigns, the forced resignation of Saad Hariri and the Ritz crackdown could not affect how Americans viewed him (p. 222). The author is of the view that MBS views three threats to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. First, jihadists of Al Qaeda and the Islamic state, second Muslim Brotherhood and the third one was Iran (p. 223). The writer of this book also discusses the rifts between Khashoggi and MBS. He stresses that Khashoggi argued that democracy would improve governance and the crown prince MBS needed check on his powers (p. 239). 

According to the author, MBS eliminated his rivals, extended his control over the state and became the undisputed leader of the Saudi state at a young age. His influence would stay there in the coming decades. Hubbard stresses that he was hard-working, more strategic, more willing to let go traditions and brutal- in short a true Machiavellian prince (p. 277). 

Read More

Book Review: The Luminous Life of Rajiv Gandhi (Edited by Shyam Dua)

Rajiv Gandhi was the grandson of Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India. Rajiv's father was Feroze Gandhi and his mother was Indira. Both of them moved to New Delhi from Lucknow. 

Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984. To avoid being jailed for corrupt election practices in June 1975, she had declared a state of emergency and brought democracy to a halt. She launched a crackdown on civil liberties and political opposition. She served as the PM of India from January 19, 1966 to March 24, 1977 and from January 14. 1980 until her death. Indira's emergency ruled lasted nineteen months. Sikh alienation was deep and had dramatic consequences: on October 31, 1984, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her two Sikh bodyguards, one of whom was fatally shot and the other subsequently (1988) sentences to death by hanging (p. 75).

Rajiv attended Trinity Collège in Cambridge and later shifted to Imperial College in London. Rajiv was not interested in philosophy, politics of history. He was more interested in science and engineering. His greatest passion was flying. His brother Sanjay died in a plane crash in 1980 and because of that he reluctantly joined politics. Collaboration with the United States and several European governments and corporations brought more investment in research in electronics and computer software (p. 21). Rajiv was assassinated in 1991 by Tamil Tiger militants using a bomb hidden in a garland of flowers.

Rajiv was survived by his wife and two children. Rajiv's wife Sonia (born near Turin in Italy) is said to have stated that she would have rather seen her children beg than enter politics (p.64). Today we can see Rajiv and Sonia's son Rahul playing a very important part in the electoral politics of India.

Read More

Book Review: Erdogan Rising: A Warning To Europe by Hannah Lucinda Smith

First published in 2019, Erdogan Rising is a significant contribution for readers who want to understand contemporary Turkey and is political dynamics. It addresses the question of how Recep Tayyip Erdogan rose to power, his policies and how he centralized power. Hannah spent time in Turkey and Syria to cover important events during very crucial times. She also joined the mass movement of migrants on their journey to Europe in 2015.  The author often refers to the history of the twentieth century and says that Mustafa Kemal Ataturk is seen as someone who saved the Turkish pride (p. 24).

The author also covers why Erdogan is in power in Turkey. Hannah writes about the early phase of Erdogan's life when he used to sell bread rings in the streets (p. 247). After coming to power Erdogan did a lot of large scale infrastructure development and also brought changes in the constitution. Erdogan made serious efforts to bring in Turks from all around the world (p. 318). Erdogan introduced special police forces, whose number increased drastically over the years. As a populist Erdogan knows very well how to create propaganda, use media, use religion, blame foreign powers, create support  among the lower segments of the population, accommodate migrants from Syria and manage elections. Once Erdogan wore the rank-and-file soldier uniform and met the Turkish troops in the battleground(p. 336) Erdogan also stresses on the need to unite the Turk nation. The author claims that the Central Asian genes makes up only 22 percent of the twenty first century Turkish DNA (p. 161).

Hannah also states how there is an opinion in Turkey which says that Erdogan's degree is fake (p. 338). The author covers how conspiracy theories circulate about the Gulenists. Erdogan puts a ban on YouTube for two and a half years because a few videos insult Ataturk (p. 30). 

I would not rate the book as a very fine biography. The informative and engaging style of the book coupled with the personal account of the author's experiences helps in gaining a deeper understanding of the Turkish society and politics. 

Read More

Book Review: The Struggle for Hegemony in Pakistan: Fear, Desire and Revolutionary Horizons

 

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar says that a grounded theory of politics is much needed for the formerly colonized South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa (p. 3). He states that this book brings attention to the challenge of 'forging an alternative hegemonic conception in the historically imperialized zones of the world- system' (p. 5). The author stresses that one cannot understand the global crises without centering attention on non-western, postcolonial regions, particularly Asia and Africa. A large majority of the world population lives in postcolonial countries. There are massive youth bulges in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. And the worst affects of global warming/climate change are to be experienced in East and South Asia (p.7).

In chapter one the author discusses the elite, the new colonialism, Land as an asset, Gwadar, Bahria Town Karachi, DHA Lahore, Thar in Sind, Gilgit-Baltistan and The City on the Ravi River. Aasim says 'the atomized middle-class subject is always on a knife-edge, veering between an insatiable desire for upward mobility and frustration generated by remaining on the outside of the proverbial looking glass. It is on this boundary that potentially transformative political forms can be generated' (p. 52).

Chapter two the author discusses neoliberalism. He says that neoliberal globalization has nevertheless, coincided with a greater share of wealth and income of global output accruing to the non-western world than ever before' (p. 81). In this chapter the author further discuses the planet of slums, neoliberal hegemony and the gendered middle-class subject.

Chapter three is on the digital lifeworld. The author is of the view that 'the field of politics is becoming increasingly complex, the digital space sometimes obscuring and even challenging established networks of political patronage (p. 101).Aasim believes that the there are 'limitations of Aurat Azadi March organizers who still rely, with notable exceptions, on digital publics largely peopled by middle-class political subjects' (p. 119).

The fourth chapter is titled 'The classless subject'. In this chapter the author writes that 'theorizing emancipatory politics in non-western postcolonial countries must correspond to grounded material realities' (p. 125). Aaasim states that 'the actual form and content of an alternative hegemonic conception that incorporates religious subjectivities can only be established in and through struggle, but it is first and foremost necessary to acknowledge this imperative' (p. 148). 

The purpose of this book is to point out main 'structuring factors that are shaping political subjectivity, and which must be accounted for in any political theory that envisions a future humanity in concert with nature' (p. 150). 

Read More

Book Review: Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World

The main thesis of the book stresses that all leaders of nations are constrained by geography. Marshall states that their choices are limited by mountains, rivers, seas, and concrete. He examines Russia, China, USA, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, Western Europe, Japan and Korea, and Greenland and the Arctic. Marshall includes their climates, seas, mountains, rivers, deserts, and borders- to provide a context often missing from political reportage.

I expected this book to present a new perspective, but it was less than what I had expected. Nonetheless, there are some interesting facts shared in the book. I mention some of them here. In 1867, Alaska was bought from Russia at the rate of tow cents per acre (p. 76). George Washington's advice in his farewell address of 1796 was to not get involved in "inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others," and to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world (p. 78). 

The author claims that in the standard Mercator map, Greenland appears to be the same size as Africa, and yet Africa is actually fourteen times the size of Greenland (p. 117). The author says that 'Islam, cricket, the intelligence services, the military, and fear of India are what hold Pakistan together (p. 190).

While reading the book at times I thought this book has been specially published as part of a propaganda to create an alternate point of view to cover the atrocities of world powers. 

Read More

Book Review: After the Neocons: America at the Crossroads by Francis Fukuyama

The central theme of this book is the post September 11, 2001 foreign policy of the United States of America. Francis Fukuyama has come to the conclusion that he can no longer support neoconservatism (both as a political symbol and body of thought) as it has developed into something which has become irreversibly identified with the policies of the first term of George W. Bush's administration. Fukuyama stresses on the need to redefine American foreign policy in a way that it moves beyond the Bush administration's legacy and that of its neoconservative supporters.

Certain interpretations of neoconservatism helped America during the Cold War, but during the 1990s the principles were used to justify a foreign policy that led to the war in Iraq. Fukuyama says that the neoconservative legacy is complex and diverse, tracing its back to the early 1940s. One feature of neoconservative writing during the 1990s was its general lack of interest in international economics or development (p. 43).  They were by and large concerned with politics, security, and ideology; they generated relatively few distinctive opinions about globalization, competitiveness, development, and other issues (p. 44).

Four basic thought that logically explain the policy positions are based on the following principles:

1). A belief that the internal character of regimes matter ad that foreign policy must reflect the deepest values of liberal democratic societies.

2). A belief that American power has been and could be used for moral purposes, and that the United States needs to remain engaged in international affairs.

3). A distrust of social engineering projects.

4). And finally, skepticism about the legitimacy and effectiveness of international law and institutions to achieve either security or justice.

Fukuyama believes that jihadism is a by-product of modernization and globalization, not traditionalism (p. 74). the author says that all foreign policies, including doing nothing and maintaining the status quo, involve risks (p. 92). The Bush administration and its neoconservative supporters failed to anticipate the hostility of the global reaction to the war before undertaking it, particularly in Europe. 

American policy approaches to development were heavily driven by the needs of American foreign policy, since the United States at that time saw itself locked in a deadly competition with the communist world for influence over developing countries. Institutions are one of the many dimensions of development; resources in the form of investment capital, good economic policies, geography, disease burdens, and the like all contribute to development outcomes (p. 123). 

The author says that establishing or reforming institutions is almost always more of a political than a technocratic problem (p. 124). The United States and the international community together have developed an impressive range of political tools for supporting democratic regime change since the early 1980s (p. 131). Fukuyama stresses on the need of multiplicity of international organizations that could provide both power and legitimacy for different types of challenges to world order (p. 162).

Fukuyama believes that what is required is 'realistic Wilsonianism that recognizes the importance to world order of what goes on inside states and that better matches the available tools to the achievement of democratic ends' (p. 184). Furthermore, Fukuyama is of the view that the United States should promote both political and economic development and it should care about what happens inside states around the world. The primary focus should be on 'good governance, political accountability, democracy and strong institutions.'

The author of the book emphasizes on the importance of tacking development and creating overlapping international institutions, and would also avoid 'preventive war'. He presents this as a new approach.

Read More

Seeing is not Believing

I grew up hearing that seeing is believing. I think this idea was as meaningless back then, as it is right now. the use of pictures, videos and print, plays a very important role in propaganda.

The last Prime Minister was a prime example of excessive propaganda. He was portrayed as a messiah who would rescue the country from all challenges. Hero worship reached its height when anyone criticizing the Prime Minister or his policies was ruthlessly trolled online.

Derogatory remarks on social media and use of foul language was used to counter any critique of the PM. The public was made to believe that its now or never.

The young generation of the country was made to believe that a seventy year old man represents the youth of the country. The youth and anyone reading any form of text or literature, should keep two questions in mind while reading. One, who is producing the content? Second, for whom is the content being produced?

Read More

Book Review: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific by Frederick Engels

 

Socialism: Utopian and Scientific by Frederick Engels along with the Communist Manifesto is one of the indispensable books for any one desiring to understand the modern socialist movement. The author Engels says that the industrial production since the Middle Ages can be divided into three periods. First, handicraft, second manufacture and third modern industry.

Engels says that ‘tradition is a great retarding force.’ Engels observed that the working class in England was moving slowly, like all things in England. He stresses that the triumph of the European working-class does not depend upon England alone. It can only be secured by the co-operation of, at least, England France, and Germany. He further states that in both these countries the working –class movement is well ahead of England. According to Engels, modern Socialism is a logical extension of the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the eighteenth century.

Engels quotes Fourier, who according to him was the first to declare that in any given society the degree of women’s emancipation is the natural measure of the general emancipation. He further quotes Fourier. Fourier says that ‘that the civilized stage raises every vice practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion, into a form of existence, complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical’’—that civilization moves in  “”a vicious circle,’’ in contradictions which it constantly reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or pretends to want to attain, so that, e.g., “under civilization poverty is born of superabundance itself.’’

Engels mentions Robert Owen. He says that Owen had adopted the teaching of the materialistic philosophers; that man’s character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity, on the other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and especially during his period of development. According to Owen the three obstacles in social reform are private property, religion and the present form of marriage.

According to Engels the Socialism of the earlier days certainly criticized the existing capitalistic mode of production and its consequences. But it could not explain them, and, therefore, could not get the mastery of them. It could only simply reject them as bad, the more strongly this earlier Socialism denounced the exploitation of the working-class, inevitable under Capitalism, the less able was it clearly to show in what this exploitation consisted and how it arose. Engels admits that the materialistic conception of history and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through surplus-value belongs to Marx. With these discoveries Socialism became a science.

In medieval society especially in the earlier centuries, production was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the individual. It satisfied only the wants of the producer and his family.no exchange was involved and the products did not assume the character of commodities.  Only when the family of the peasant began to produce more than was sufficient to supply its own wants and the payments in kind to the feudal lord, only then did it also produce commodities. This surplus, thrown into socialized exchange and offered for sale, became commodities.

Engels quotes Marx that machinery becomes the most powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working-class; that the instruments of labor constantly tear the means of subsistence out of the hands of the labourer; that the very product of the worker is turned into an instrument for his subjugation. Engels quotes Marx from ‘Capital, Vol.I’. Marx says that the accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time, accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole, i.e., on the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital.

Engels states that in capitalistic society the means of production can only function when they have undergone a preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting human labor-power.

Engels suggests that to accomplish the act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.

Read More

Book Review: Rule by Fear: Right Theses on Authoritarianism in Pakistan by Ammar Ali Jan

 

Rule of Fear presents eight theses which explain the political, economic and social roots of authoritarianism in the country. This work focuses on the structural features which drive the increasing militarization of society. Jan believes that the paranoia of the masses has created a permanent state of emergency in Pakistan that is used to deploy excessive violence against popular challenges to the status quo. The author calls for the construction of alternative ideas that can unite disparate movements struggling for justice and dignity. He tries to create a case for a more egalitarian and socially just future.

This book has been writing very carefully. Jan criticizes Ayub, Bhutto, Zia, Nawaz Sharif, Musharraf and Imran Khan. While criticizing PPP but he refrains from mention ‘Benazir Bhutto’ in the book. Instead, he says that ‘the PPP leadership’ once again compromised with the generals in power-sharing formula that kept the logic of the state intact (p. 111-112). Jan does not describe Baba Jan’s case and the persecution he faced at the hands of the PPP government. He does write about the details of Meher Abdul Sattar’s (from Okara) case but he does not provide details of Baba Jan’s struggle. Jan just limits him to one line in the book.

Overall the book provides brief insight to the recent political and social history of Pakistan. I believe the primary purpose of the book is to propagate a particular view point and attract the masses towards a united left-leaning political struggle.

Read More

Book Review: An Appeal to the Toiling, Oppressed and Exhausted Peoples of Europe By Leon Trotsky

 

Speeches of Leon Trotsky are compiled in this book.  Some the themes which are covered include critique of capitalism, the need for revolution, his opposition to Stalin, and the political developments of his time. Trotsky wants the working class to recover itself and fight for peace. Criticizing the propertied classes, he says that for them the monarchy is the most reliable ally in their struggle against the revolutionary offensive of the proletariat. The Soviet leader gave three percepts. One, trust not the bourgeoisie. Two, control our own leaders and third, have confidence in our own revolutionary strength (p.24).

The author condemns secret diplomacy during negotiations. In a speech delivered in Moscow on April 14 1918, Trotsky says that ‘All those phrases about ‘democarcy’, ‘the fate of small nationalities’, ‘justice’, God’s commands’ – all these are but words, phrases used for the purpose of cheating the common people; in reality the powers are only looking out for unprotected booty in order to pocket it. This I say is the essence of imperialist policy’ (p.60).

Trotsky mentions that the genuine bourgeois thinks that nature itself has destined him to dominate. He warns that if the revolution did not spread to other countries, then it would be crushed by European capitalism (p.70). He further stresses on the intellectual development of women. Criticizing the anarchist communists Trotsky states that there is a need for state apparatus when a country as big as Russia plans to organize its economic system whereas the anarchist believed that the working class did not need state power as it was a bourgeoisie machine (p.82).

Trotsky praises Lenin’s personality and his efforts for the cause. According to him Lenin is the ‘fusion of a courageous, unwavering mind and a steeled and inflexible will’ (p. 100). He also condemns the assassination attempt on his life.  For Marx, he says that he was ‘the greatest of all fighters and thinkers who anticipated and pointed out the paths to a new history (p.97).

The author heavily criticizes the bureaucracy as he considers is an ‘embodiment of monstrous inequality. The revolution destroyed the nobility. The bureaucracy creates a new gentry. The revolution destroyed titles and decorations. The new aristocracy produces marshals and generals. The new aristocracy absorbs an enormous part of the national income. Its position before the people is deceitful and false. Its leaders are forced to hide the reality, to deceive the masses, to cloak themselves, calling black white. The whole policy of the new aristocracy is a frame-up. The new constitution is nothing but a frame-up’ (p125).

Trotsky believes that socialism is only possible when independent activity of the masses and the flourishing of the human personality takes place. Furthermore, he strongly believes in a communist future and wants the future generations to cleanse life of all evil, oppression and violence.

 

Read More

Book Review: Civil Society by Michael Edwards

 

In this book the idea of civil society is presented by Michael Edwards. Edwards provides the theoretical and practical importance of civil society. He presents it as a basis for action. Civil society means different things to different people, plays different roles at different times and constitutes both problem and solution. Much deeper action is required in politics, economics and social life if civil society is to be effective vehicle for change.

The principal ingredient in volunteering is enthusiasm not necessarily an activism driven by a particular social vision. Voluntary associations are arenas for personal ambition and power as well as for sacrifice and service (p.44). The author says that avoiding debate is never the sign of a robust civic culture (p. 68).

Associational life that ignores power structures or substitutes for state responsibilities is unlikely to contribute very much. An inclusive and well-articulated associational ecosystem can be the driving force of the good society, but the achievements of the good society are what make possible the independence and level playing field that underpin a democratic associational life (p. 91).

The author says that increase in participation is welcome, since we learn to be citizens not through books or training but through experience and action (p. 102). The author states that in the West voluntary associations are less vulnerable to the whims of aid agencies as their sources of funding diverse (p. 104). Edwards says that civil society helps us to interpret and change the world. It is what we as active citizens make it. Civil society is the force for positive social change.

Read More