Book Review: Critical Theory and Society: A Reader (Edited with an Introduction by Stephen Eric Bronner and Douglas Mackay Kellner)

The Frankfurt School was the first Marxist-oriented research institute in Europe. Its members made an effort to revise both the Marxian critique of capitalism and the theory of revolution, as after the death of Marx new social and political conditions had evolved. The broad themes included in this book are social psychology, cultural criticism, philosophy and political theory. During World War II Marcuse and others went to USA to work for the US government. Horkheimer and Adorno went to California where they worked on theory.

Erich Fromm states that 'what psychoanalysis can bring to sociology is the knowledge- though still imperfect- of the human psychic apparatus, which is a determinant of social development alongside technical, economic, and financial factors, and deserves no less consideration that the other factors mentioned' (p. 38). Erich Fromm writes that 'every form of society has not only its own economic and political, but also its specific libidinous structure, and psychoanalysis can finally explain certain deviations from the course of development expected on the basis of the economic preconditions (p. 216).

Leo Lowenthal says that 'a genuine, explanatory history of literature must proceed on materialistic principles' (p. 44). He further says that 'psychology must be considered as one of the principal mediating processes, particularly in the field of literary studies, since it describes the psychic processes by means of which the cultural functions of a work of art reproduce the structures of the societal base' (p. 45). Lowenthal critiques social research as it 'takes the phenomena of modern life, including the mass media, at face value. It rejects the task of placing them in a historical and moral context' (p. 191). In the same chapter the author states the popular culture has its own characteristics of standardization, stereotypy, conservatism, mendacity, manipulated consumer goods (p. 195).

Horkheimer writes that an existing society is increasingly endangered by its internal tensions, the energies spent in maintaining an ideology grow greater and finally the weapons are readied for supporting it with violence (p. 55). Writing on the Jews and Europe Horkheimer states that 'whoever is not willing to talk about capitalism should also keep quiet about fascism' (p. 78). In the same chapter on page 79, the interesting connection between the market economy and the advertising signs is presented. Further in the chapter he critiques liberalism,  writes about Mandeville's view on fascism and Kant's categorical imperative. Horkheimer says that 'not ideas but utility are decisive for the bourgeoisie' (p. 88). He further writes that 'someone who can only play at politics should keep away from it' (p. 93).

On state capitalism, Pollock writes that 'the genuine problem of a planned society does not lie in the economic but in the political sphere, in the principles to be applied in deciding what needs shall have preference, how much time shall be spent for work, how much of the social product shall be consumed and how much used for expansion, etc. (p. 99).

Marcuse writes that civilization is man's subjugation to work (p. 125). On the same page he writes that satisfaction is postponed and enjoyment sacrificed. Writing on philosophy and critical theory Marcuse is of the view that 'critical theory is, last but not least, critical of itself and of the social forces that make up its own basis' (p. 72). Marcuse writes that the proletariat's quality of being  'potentially revolutionary force' is definitive of its very existence (p. 288). In the chapter, The reification of the proletariat, Marcuse is of the view that 'within the global system, the multinational corporations keep the competitive conflicts from becoming explosive' (p. 291).

Adorno mentions that 'the power of the culture industry is such that conformity has replaced consciousness' (p. 133). Critical Theorist Walter Benjamin opines that 'discretion concerning one's own existence, once an aristocratic virtue, has become more and more an affair of petit-bourgeois parvenus' (p. 174).

Jurgen Habermas writes about the public sphere in which he traces the link between the newspaper and public opinion (p. 140). In the last chapter Jurgen Habermas writes that 'In the past decade or two, conflicts have developed in advanced Western societies that deviate in various ways from the welfare-state pattern of institutionalized conflict over distribution. They no longer flare up in domains of material reproduction; they are no longer channeled through parties and associations; and they can no longer be allayed by compensations. Rather, these new conflicts arise in domains of cultural reproduction, social integration, and socialization; they are carried out in substitutional - or at least extra parliamentary- forms of protest; and the underlying deficits reflect a reification of communicatively structured domains of action that will not respond to the media of money and power' (p. 305). 

Habermas mentions about the 'old politics' and the new politics. New politics find strong support among new middle classes, among the younger generation, and in groups with more formal education (p. 305). The old politics has strong support base among employers, workers, and the middle-class tradesmen.

In this book there is discussion on the differences between between Horkheimer and Marcuse, Adorno's views on Jazz- which he considers "utterly impoverished" (p. 14), Marcuse's marginal groups theory, points in favor of state capitalism, scarcity economy, French Enlightenment, Adorno on Lyric poetry and society, Adorno's view on Jazz in Europe, Erich Fromm's critique of Marcuse, Marcuse's critique of Marx and Marcuse's mention of the surplus consciousness.